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Hickory, NC News & Views | November 30, 2025 | Hickory Hound

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 HKYNC News & Views Nov 30, 2025 – Executive Summary  

Hickory Hound News and Views Archive

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 📤This Week:

 

(Tuesday): Hickory 101: Lesson 4 – The Hound’s Method By the end of this lesson, you will begin to observe one aspect of how Hickory works — using the tools of data, observation, and lived experience — so that you’re no longer just looking at the town, but discovering how one part of its system operates.

 

(Thursday):  ⚙️Structural Schisms 5: The Cost of ControlGood government depends on coordination. When that coordination breaks down, even well-intentioned efforts start working against one another. The Cost of Control examines how fragmentation, duplication, and competing jurisdictions make progress harder than it should be.

 

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 📤Next Week:

 

(Tuesday): Hickory 101: Lesson 5 – Reading the Room When you look at the data, observe the streets and storefronts, and listen to people’s stories — the town gives you signals. It shows you what’s changing, what’s stuck, and what’s under pressure.

 

(Thursday):  ⚙️Structural Schisms 6  Labor Market Compression - Catawba County’s unemployment rate may look good on paper, but the reality underneath tells a different story. People are working, yet too many are living on the edge.

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 🧠Opening Reflection:  The Hidden Mechanics of Catawba County’s ShiftLet’s cut straight to it: Catawba County is being reshaped by forces most folks either ignore or pretend don’t exist. These aren’t polite census categories or abstract demographics. These are the vested demographic dynamics—the living, breathing population groups that have real skin in the game and quietly determine who thrives, who struggles, and who gets squeezed out altogether. Vested means they have something to protect or something to lose... Demographic means we’re talking about actual groups of people, not theories... Dynamics means these groups don’t sit still—they push, resist, adapt, and collide, and the county we live in today is the direct result of those collisions. But none of this started in a vacuum, and it sure didn’t start yesterday. What we’re living through now was built over four decades of national policy that gutted the very economic model Catawba County was founded on. When trade deals offshored furniture, textiles, and machinery jobs, we didn’t just lose factories—we lost wage leverage, household stability, and the expectation that a decent job here could support a family here. The dot-com bubble rewarded speculation while telling manufacturing towns to “retrain” for jobs that never came. 9/11 shifted the nation’s attention, but the bleeding never stopped. Then 2008 financial crisis: Wall Street got bailed out, homeowners got foreclosed, retirement accounts got gutted, and a whole generation of middle-class Catawba County families lost the ground their parents had spent a lifetime building. The 2010s weren’t recovery—they were stagnation dressed up as progress. After manufacturing got hollowed out, nearly all the new money, jobs, and economic energy in America flowed either to a handful of coastal mega-cities or to the digital “cloud” economy—leaving most of the inland, factory-based regions (like Catawba County) stuck in stagnation with little to no share of the new growth. The pandemic didn’t break us; it just ripped the bandage off what was already rotting. So when we look around today and see an older county, a poorer county in real terms, a county with skyrocketing house prices and flat wages, we’re not looking at local accidents. We’re looking at the downstream consequences of decisions made in Washington and on Wall Street decades ago. The population numbers may look stable on paper, but the composition has been completely rewritten: 
  • Retirees flood in with out-of-state equity, buying homes with cash and supporting the structure of low tax burden.
  • Immigrant workers arrive to fill the jobs locals can no longer live on, bringing kids whose needs the system was never funded to meet.
  • Meanwhile, the rooted, nest-building middle-class families who once balanced everything—paying taxes, voting for schools, keeping wages and expectations high—are getting priced out, worn down, and pushed outward, taking their children and their future contributions with them.
This isn’t about pointing fingers at any one group. It’s about facing the math. Housing costs don’t explode by accident. Wages don’t stall for twenty-five years by accident. Tax resistance doesn’t calcify by accident. Schools don’t morph into social-service centers by accident. None of this is random. It is the predictable outcome when national policy hollows out the middle, local leadership chases any warm body to keep the population count from collapsing, and no one has the courage to say the era of “imported stability while exporting roots” is killing the future. The Catawba County school crisis screaming in our faces right now is only the loudest symptom. These vested demographic forces shape the entire ecosystem—housing, labor, politics, public trust, infrastructure, and who ultimately controls what this county becomes. 
We’ve got to stop acting like this is just some local problem we woke up to one morning. This has been going on for more than a generation as we've continued kicking the can down the road. Kids have grown up to have kids while this has been happening. The folks who have been here a while understand how the gears actually work. We've been chasing symptoms while the same old system runs on a loop. Regular folks say nothing's going to change.  That’s why this matters right here and right now, today, while we can still do something about it. 
 

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⭐ Feature Story ⭐ 

To understand the full picture of the population dynamics of Catawba County, we need to break down the main groups driving its socioeconomic and cultural environmental changes. These aren't labels for division—they're structural realities based on data, observation, and lived experience in Catawba County. Each one interacts with the others, creating a web that affects housing, jobs, taxes, politics, and yes, our schools.


Retirees moving in (65+ Relocation Cohort)

Retiree in-migrants are individuals and couples who move into the county after their primary working years have ended. Their relocation is driven by housing access, cost of living, and tax stability rather than employment or wage growth. Population data shows growth concentrated in the 65-and-older age group while working-age cohorts have remained flat or declined. This indicates a structural shift in who the local system is serving.

These households typically live on fixed or semi-fixed incomes supported by pensions, retirement accounts, and housing equity from higher-priced regions. Many purchase property with large down payments or cash. Voter participation is consistent and focused on limiting cost exposure. Their behavior is rational and predictable when viewed through financial risk.

Structurally, this group increases housing demand without expanding the workforce, school population, or long-term tax base. Cash-heavy purchases raise housing prices for wage-dependent families. Property tax resistance becomes embedded in local politics, slowing public investment in schools, infrastructure, and workforce systems.

The long-term effect is not collapse but redesign. The system becomes centered on stability for fixed-income households rather than growth for working-age families.


Immigrant Workforce Population (Labor Import Cohort)

The immigrant workforce population consists of working-age adults and families who relocate to the county in direct response to labor demand, not lifestyle preference. Their movement is driven by the availability of work in manufacturing, construction, food processing, agriculture, and service industries. Demographic data shows rapid growth in this population since 2000, aligning with labor shortages in physically demanding and low-wage sectors. This is a labor system response, not a cultural shift.

These households are characterized by high work participation, low starting wages, and narrow financial margins. Multi-job households are common. Transportation, housing, and childcare are structured around shift work and job stability. Many face language barriers that create friction in education, healthcare, and public services. These conditions do not reflect instability; they reflect the pressure of survival-based labor positioning. Observation inside schools and workplaces confirms that these families are work-centered, structured, and disciplined.

Structurally, this population stabilizes the local labor pool and keeps core industries operational. Without this workforce, multiple sectors would face immediate contraction. At the same time, their presence increases demand for institutional support inside school systems, healthcare access points, and transportation networks. Schools absorb additional responsibilities tied to language services, meal programs, and behavioral support. These changes are functional responses to system design, not cultural outcomes.

The broader system effect is labor reliability without economic leverage. A large, dependable workforce suppresses wage growth and reduces negotiation power across industries. This population does not control the structure. It operates inside the structure to sustain household survival.



Legacy Middle-Class Residents (Historic Nest-Builders)

Legacy middle-class residents are families with long generational roots in the county who historically formed the stable center of local life. They built households here, raised children here, and expected their grandchildren to have the same chance. Population and housing data show this group shrinking over time, especially in the 25–44 age range. You can see it in neighborhoods where familiar family names disappear, older homes change hands, and school communities lose continuity. This is not nostalgia. It is traceable decline.

Their core characteristics were built around ownership and permanence. They bought homes rather than rented. They worked a mix of blue-collar and white-collar jobs tied to local manufacturing, services, and public institutions. They trusted schools, churches, and local governance because they helped build and maintain them. They did not expect perfection. They expected fairness, stability, and return on effort.

Structurally, this group functioned as the county’s balancing force. They were consistent taxpayers and reliable voters. They supported school funding, infrastructure spending, and civic maintenance because they had children in the system and long-term stakes in outcomes. They carried local culture forward through habit, not performance.

As housing costs have risen, wages flattened, and job security weakened, this group came under pressure. Observation shows fewer young families able to buy into the same neighborhoods their parents built. Their decline removes the group that once anchored both restraint and progress. When this layer thins, the system loses its center of gravity. That is not cultural change. That is structural destabilization.



Displaced Native Households (Out-Migration Cohort)

Displaced native households are families who were born or raised in the county and are now leaving because they can no longer hold economic stable ground. The data shows steady out-migration patterns tied to rising housing costs, stagnant wages, and declining affordability. This shows up in school transfer records, declining local enrollment, and an increase in households relocating to surrounding outer counties. These are not families chasing opportunity elsewhere. These are families being priced or pushed out of the system where they started.

Their key characteristics are shaped by compression, not choice. Household budgets tighten over time. Housing access becomes harder each year. Rent rises faster than wages. Mortgage qualification becomes unreachable. Transportation costs expand as people move further away from work and schools. School decisions become defensive, centered on survival rather than advancement. This is a pressure response, not a preference shift.

Structurally, this group represents the slow draining of the county’s working foundation. As these families leave, the working-age tax base shrinks. Voter pressure to protect school funding weakens. Neighborhood continuity breaks down. Institutions lose the families that historically demanded accountability and long-term planning. This is not a loud collapse. It is a quiet erosion.

From lived local experience, these exits rarely happen all at once. A family moves here. Another leaves there. A classroom loses a few familiar names. A street goes quieter. Over time, the damage compounds. What is lost is not just population count. What is lost is community memory, loyalty, and generational investment.

Structurally, this group is the cost of imbalance. When the system stops serving the people who built it, they leave. And when they leave, the structure weakens in ways that are hard to repair.



 Mobile Professional Class (The Credentialed Transplants)

This group consists of doctors, nurses, engineers, mid-level managers, school administrators, and remote-tech workers who moved to Catawba County over the last fifteen years, drawn by hospital expansions, data-center projects, or simply lower housing costs than Charlotte or the Triangle. Most did not grow up here. Their household incomes sit in the top 15–20 % locally—solidly upper-middle by Catawba standards, yet only middle-class when measured against coastal peers. You see them in the newer subdivisions, the breweries, and the private-school carpool lines. 
Their defining trait is mobility. They arrived for a job or a cheaper mortgage, not for roots. Student loans, lifestyle expectations, and professional networks keep one foot out the door. If the hospital consolidates, if the school system slides, or if a better title opens in Asheville or Greenville, they leave—and they can. That option gives them leverage even when they stay quiet.  
 Structurally, they act as an accelerant on every trend the county already faces. They bid up the upper half of the housing market, making anything with acreage or a view unreachable for local-born families. They pay healthy property taxes yet rarely support bonds or overrides, because those dollars compete with private tuition or retirement savings. Their consumption supports upscale retail and restaurants, creating an illusion of prosperity that masks flat wages for everyone else. Politically, when they do engage, it is almost always to protect property values and “quality of place”—which translates into resistance against apartments, starter homes, or tax increases that might stabilize schools for the working majority.  
They are not villains, and they are not permanent. They are a highly paid, highly portable buffer that makes the county appear healthier and more attractive on paper than it actually is for the people who were born here and have nowhere else to go. In the vested-dynamics framework, they are the fifth force: the ones who can extract a good life today and still walk away tomorrow, leaving the rest of us to carry what remains.

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Institutional Gatekeepers (Local Power Brokers)

Institutional gatekeepers are the individuals and bodies that control how the county’s systems move, stall, or change. This group includes school boards, county commissioners, local city councils, economic development organizations, major nonprofits, and utility authorities. Their power does not come from public speech. It comes from control of budgets, timing, agendas, and information flow. Population and economic data show a system under strain, yet public-facing messaging consistently emphasizes stability. This gap does not happen by accident.

Their core characteristics are operational, not personal. They control what enters public view and when. They decide which reports are delayed, which topics are buried, and which reforms are phased slowly enough to avoid disruption. Their language is procedural. Their authority is quiet. They work through committees, closed sessions, and administrative layering. This is not corruption. It is structure.

Structurally, their role is to preserve continuity even when the underlying system is weakening. They slow consolidation, resist transparency that produces pressure, and filter narrative framing so public response stays muted. They protect the appearance of order because visible instability threatens both trust and their own positions. Decision-making is less about innovation and more about containment.

From direct local observation, reforms do not fail loudly. They are redirected, delayed, renumbered, or studied repeatedly. Emergency language is avoided. Urgency is softened. Over time, the result is a system that appears functional while carrying more strain than it is designed to handle.

These actors are not villains. They are stabilizers of the existing design. Their structural role is to manage decline without allowing it to be named, delaying collapse but also delaying correction.



Corporate and Capital Actors (External Resource Operators)

Corporate and capital actors are non-local entities that enter the county to access land, infrastructure, water, energy, and tax advantage. This includes data centers, industrial park tenants, logistics firms, and outside developers. Their presence is visible in zoning changes, incentive packages, and infrastructure upgrades. The data shows increased public resource allocation tied to private development, while long-term community reinvestment remains limited. This is not partnership. It is utilization.

Their core characteristics are transactional. These entities do not build civic roots. They build operational footprints. Their capital is mobile, and their decision-making is guided by cost efficiency and leverage. They seek tax abatements, expedited permitting, and flexible regulatory treatment. Employment impact is often low relative to land and infrastructure consumption. Their influence occurs through contracts, negotiations, and leverage, not through community presence.

Structurally, this group consumes public infrastructure faster than it replenishes it. Water systems, electrical grids, roads, and land availability are redirected to support high-use, low-employment operations. Land values rise around their projects without creating wage ladders that can support local family stability. Policy influence increases because local governments are pressured to compete for investment, even when the return is thin.

From local observation, these operations appear clean and efficient on the surface. The strain shows up later. Utility maintenance costs rise. The extra cushion is gone. There used to be spare water, spare power, spare road capacity, and spare land sitting in reserve—just in case a real employer showed up or the county ever needed room to grow the right way. When these big outside operations lock in their deals, they quietly eat up every bit of that slack. What was once “extra” becomes fully spoken for. There’s no buffer left for anybody else, and when something finally breaks or demand spikes, there’s nothing to fall back on. The margin that kept the system forgiving just vanishes.

Local oversight weakens because the entities sit above the county’s leverage range.

These actors do not integrate into the community. They operate inside it. Structurally, they extract capacity and leave local systems to absorb long-term cost without proportional long-term return.


Peripheral Stabilizers (Social Buffer Systems)

These are the informal networks that keep the county from openly falling apart when the formal systems no longer deliver. Churches, food banks, mutual-aid groups, and extended families aren’t extras; they’ve become the load-bearing walls. They exist because wages and household incomes have quietly stopped covering the cost of a stable, independent life. The evidence isn’t dramatic eviction headlines. It’s the steady, year-over-year climb in families who need ongoing help with rent, utilities, or a place for grown kids and grandkids to land when they can’t make it on their own. It’s more people doubling up, tripling up, or quietly moving into basements and back bedrooms for years, not weeks. It’s churches and nonprofits writing rent checks month after month, not just handing out a motel voucher in an emergency. These networks don’t fix the problem; they hide the depth of it. They keep roofs overhead and lights on so the broader public never has to confront how far basic stability has slipped. Volunteers burn out, savings dry up, and the strain just keeps growing, but because it stays quiet and relational, the county can pretend the core systems are still working. When these informal supports finally thin out, the collapse won’t be sudden. It’ll just stop being invisible.  ------------------------------------------------- Conclusion: Seeing the Full Machine in Motion
 
These vested demographic dynamics—retirees anchoring stability while resisting growth, immigrant workers fueling labor but straining services, legacy families fading as the core erodes, corporate actors extracting resources without reinvesting, peripheral stabilizers masking cracks through quiet heroism, and the mobile professionals inflating illusions of prosperity while remaining untethered—do not exist in isolation. They form an interconnected system where each group's actions amplify the others' effects. Retirees and professionals bid up housing, displacing natives; immigrants fill the resulting labor voids, but at costs offloaded to schools and nonprofits; corporates consume infrastructure, thinning capacity reservoirs and forcing informal networks to pick up the slack. The result is a county that looks stable on the surface—population numbers holding steady, new subdivisions rising—but is quietly hollowing out from within. This framework strips away the illusions. Catawba County's challenges aren't accidents or isolated failures; they're the predictable outcomes of a post-industrial ecosystem where short-term fixes have compounded into long-term fragility. Wages stagnate because illegal immigrants in precarious situations will work for less money. Taxes resist increases because fixed-income voters and mobile earners prioritize short-term expenses over long-term public investment. Institutions strain because needs grow while anchors weaken. Without naming these mechanics plainly, any attempt at reform—whether school consolidation, housing policy, or economic incentives—will treat symptoms, not causes, leaving the machine to grind on unchanged. Yet understanding alone isn't enough. These dynamics demand action, grounded in the county's real history and lived reality. What comes next isn't abstract policy; it's about reclaiming leverage for those who build and stay. In "My Own Time," we'll cut through the noise with a straight-talk reflection on how this plays out in our schools—and what it would take to finally shift the balance.
 


File:Greek lc alpha.svgMy Own Time Ω

Listen, I’m just gonna talk to you straight, the way I’d lean over the fence and tell a neighbor who’s wondering why his kid’s school feels like a freakin emergency room instead of a classroom.


We didn’t lose people in Catawba County. We replaced the ones who used to build nests here with two groups that keep the population numbers looking okay on paper. The problem is that one is detached from the schools and the other is looking for the schools to help support them.


The first group: retirees rolling in with Big City money, can buy local houses with cash, and have an investment nest egg left over. This is a big part of the equation that has driven prices up so high that local middle class folks and young first time homebuyers are being priced out of the market. These older folks don’t have kids in the school system. Most of them aren’t going to support school bonds that drive up their taxes. They want low taxes to go along with their nice view of the mountains, golf, the beauty parlor, and their meals out. 


Fair enough. But every time one of them buys a $350k house that used to belong to a 35-year-old’s family, the schools lose a taxpayer who actually needs the schools to be good.


The Second group: good, hard-working immigrant families. They’re here for the work… to make money they can’t make in their home country. What we consider a baseline wage, they call building a future. They didn’t bring anything with them other than the willingness to show up every day, not cause problems, do what they are asked to do, and put in the hours.  They do the hard jobs and they do them for less than what most of us are willing to do them for. 


Their kids come to school speaking little or no English, sometimes hungry, with no local roots. The schools have to feed them, teach them English,  counsel them, transport them, and maybe even find them some clothes and seek and provide other services that are not supposed to be the school’s role. That costs real time, effort, and money—millions of dollars a year. 


Meanwhile, the people who grew up here—the ones who could actually afford to stay and raise families—are watching all this and saying, “To Hell with that.” They are moving their kids to the county schools out toward Mountain View, St. Stephens, Bandys, and sometimes private schools where the classrooms still feel like classrooms, not social-service centers. And many of these young nest builder aged folks have already moved out of Catawba County. 


You can’t blame them. If the immigrants are going to move here as a step up to a better opportunity, then why wouldn’t we think that our young people are going to seek a better opportunity elsewhere? Especially when we brought the immigrants here to keep wages down. And think about it, nobody is going to want their kid to be in a class that isn’t speaking English in the town they grew up in. 


So we see a tax base that used to be solid keeps getting thinner, while people needing extensive support keep piling higher. The schools didn’t create this mess. The local leaders did—local government, business leaders, Non-Profits cheering on faux growth, which was actually survival economics. Never asking the hard questions. Never wanting to deal with the hard reality. Creating long term chaos. Now we are left to ask who is going to pay to teach the kids under the current dynamics? The growth plans that were pushed 20 years ago have never worked and no one has wanted to deal with the consequences and fix that failure. 


Now the county is being forced to deal with the hard reality of these current dynamics and work to make the system more financially efficient. One measure in that course is to bring the three school systems in Catawba County under one umbrella. It has been debated for years and it makes sense, but local vested interests have always pushed narrow view talking points and tribalism and that has always worked in their favor up until now. Their favor has been at the taxpayer’s and viability’s expense. We’ve kicked the can so far down the road we’re at the edge of a cliff that many people are too blind to see.


Here’s a couple of things that need to happen:

  1. Quit handing out economic development tax breaks like candy to prospective companies unless that company is willing to invest in the community. The data server farms are a huge example. They did not bring in jobs to scale and they are using a ton of our water and energy resources. They aren’t helping bring in nest building families that can buy a house, build a family here, and enhance our local ecosystem. The next one of these deals needs to kick back some of their savings into a fund that helps young people buy a home by creating down-payment grants to couples under 40. Call it the Nest Builder Fund. If they don’t like it, let them build somewhere else. We need companies that are willing to truly help build this community, instead of just extract our natural resources on one side while getting tax breaks to do so.

  2. We also need to see transparency with the school systems, whether they merge or not. Show the projected numbers for the next five years and keep a running total going forward: how many more kids on free lunch, how many more ESL teachers are needed, what are the personal economic circumstances of the families in the school systems. What is causing the loss of school population and what are the projections going forward. Put it in plain English and make it as concise as possible. We need to see metrics that give us an idea about the progress of public investment. 

We have got to start growing people who stay and build families. We have got to do better with household incomes. We have to have a more affordable housing stock. And we have got to stop recruiting needs based populations that require government services and government money to live. We keep growing statistics and wonder why the schools feel like they’re holding the bag for every bad decision made since 1995.

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The Summary and Key points of the table below The table below tells the whole ugly story in one glance. We didn’t grow. We swapped... We We traded away the 25–44 nest-builders who used to buy houses, fill classrooms, and vote for schools … and replaced them with two needs-based cohorts that keep the population count up but can’t carry the county the same way. Take those two recruited groups out of the equation (retirees + Hispanics) and Catawba County’s real, native-born population didn’t just stagnate — it collapsed by 15,000 people. That’s not a slowdown. That’s a controlled demolition dressed up as progress. Everything else — the “we’re growing!” press releases, the ribbon-cuttings, the shiny data-center renderings — is tax-base theater. Population up, foundation gone. Here’s the proof: